ஞாயிறு, 2 ஏப்ரல், 2017

பாரதி துணிச்சலான கடிதம் ஆங்கிலேயர் பாரதியார்

aathi tamil aathi1956@gmail.com

12/12/15
பெறுநர்: எனக்கு
https://groups.google.com/forum/m/#!topic/mintamil/bi9rVbBbniY
பெரிய கிண்டல் செய்யும் பேர்வழியாகவும் இருந்திருக்கிறார் என்று பல
இடங்களில் தெரிகிறது...
குறிப்பாக ....
[...] the Government-had with them copies of a harmless love poem and
a social reform novelette written by me. It must also be mentioned
that the particular men in whose possession these books were found
were acquitted by the court as nothing could be found to connect them
with even the general “ conspiracy “ on which charge some of their
fellow accused were ultimately sent to gaol.
The only charge which the Police could maintain against these
acquitted men was that they were found in possession of books
published by me! And, of course, I was guilty because they had my
book! Q.E.D.
Another thing which came to light during the trial was that Vanchi
Iyer was alleged by one prosecution witness to have made a visit to
Pondicherry months before he committed the murder. This was, of
course, disconcerting news, but that witness-a post-office clerk who
was well-known here as a friend of the spies was not corroborated by
any independent witness among the citizens of Pondicherry, and what is
more to the point just at present is that Vanchi Iyer came to my house
or was seen in my company at any time.
With such wonderful “ evidence “ in their hands, the Police got
warrants issued against all the refugees in Pondicherry, making a
noteworthy exception in the case of my friend, Mr. Aurobindo Chose,
evidently because they thought he was too powerful a personality to
play such vulgar tricks against.
[...] my letter to H.E. the Governor of Madras – of policemen whose
utter incapacity for political detective work ought to be, by this
time, abundantly clear to any intelligent administrator,
[...] The local Post Office I could not trust.
[...] I wish I had sufficient power of language to depict the whole
absurdity and injustice of the thing.
..... தேமொழி
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Later on, in the month of April 1912, two local informers who were
proved to be in the pay of the British Police stationed here-the same
force that induced the Government of Madras to issue warrants against
us on the charge of conspiracy – brought in accusation against myself
and some other refugees charging us of a criminal conspiracy to murder
all Europeans (of course, including the French).
But the French Magistrates were not nervous fools and they could see,
after due investigation, that the whole thing was a clumsy conspiracy
engineered by the British Police, and the JUGE d’ instruction said
this in so many words, a number of times during the trial. Some other
time I shall communicate to you, in full, the long tale of that
ludicrous conspiracy; suffice it now to remark that the affair
satisfied every one in Pondicherry as to the absolute legality the
old, old truth that villainy ceases to be clever after it reaches a
certain depth. For, the charges against us were sought to be
established by devices as stupid and absurd as they were cruel and
mean.
So the British Police continued to stay here and I may add that they
are still with us although in a much lesser number than before, and
are overwhelming us with the kindness of their well-mannered
attentions.
To resume my narrative, I wanted to protest against the drastic
measures which the Government of Madras had so lightly adopted against
me, but found myself unable to do so as the local Post Office (under
British Control) was at that time openly in alliance with the company
of spies.
In fact, I had penned a long letter to the then Governor of Madras,
explaining my political views and programmes and inviting the
Government to consult high placed Indians of my acquaintance both in
Madras and Pondicherry, in whom the Government had confidence, about
the real nature of my thoughts and aspirations, in case the Government
could not be satisfied with the mere legal and dignified policy of
judging a man by his public acts and utterances.
I also pointed out that even in 1908 when I was in the full swing of
my political activities, the Madras Government had no warrant against
me, and that it was very queer that on the reports of policemen whose
partiality for lying and concoction I could prove by documents in my
possession – copies of a few I had annexed as a supplement to my
letter to H.E. the Governor of Madras – of policemen whose utter
incapacity for political detective work ought to be, by this time,
abundantly clear to any intelligent administrator, a warrant should
have been issued against me, after there years of my enforced
retirement from public work under a foreign flag and in a small town
where the nature of my occupation could be ascertained from any
responsible citizen.
I then approached the local British Consul with a request that the
letter be forwarded to H.E. the governor of Madras. That gentlemen
returned the letter to me, after keeping it with himself for more than
a week, with the intimation that it would be against the rules if he
rendered me that service. The local Post Office I could not trust.
And, in those days, the Two hundred new faces of the British spies and
liberties that they assumed for themselves had produced such a
sensation here that no Pondicherrian cared to have nay sort of
relations with the – a state of affairs which came to an end only when
the spies began to overdo the thing and familiarized everyone to their
gentle way be spying on some of the French citizens. And thus it
happened that I had no means even of sending up a protest against what
I held as the iniquitous and very thoughtless persecution to which I
was subjected and against the lies, which I had good reason to
suspect, the spies were sending against me, day after day to the
authorities in Madras.
After the arrival of Lort Pentland, as Governor of Madras, I noticed a
partial change in the atmosphere of the local Post Office and
concluded, rightly, that the influence of the spies on the Postal
service had gone down considerably.
This encouraged me to write a long appeal to H.E. Pentland and send it by post.
In that appeal, I narrated all the facts of my case, also appending
copies of certain documents which, I felt sure, would give His
Excellency insight into the character of the lower police and their
happy freedom from all notions of legality and moral rectitude. I
stated very clearly to H.E. that I kept my nationalist opinions intact
and unshaken but I merely protested against the adoption of cruel and
unjust measures against me while I was far away from the field of
political struggle and living a quiet but open life under a foreign
flag, on the mere strength of vague suspicions.
The constitutional movement, as I have already remarked, had received
a temporary check and so, I, like some others, finding that I could
not render any service to my countrymen by remaining in British
territory but merely endanger my personal freedom and security chose
to exile my self to a foreign realm.
The local (French) Governors have again and again expressed to me, in
the course of personal interviews, their perfect satisfaction as to
the legality and innocent nature of my private and public life here. I
have been living in Pondicherry for more than five years now.
And because a crime is enacted about three years after I left British
India, in some obscure corner of a far-off district, where a previous
Collector had incurred unpopularity (in the “Tinnevelly Riots”
affair), the British Government, on the advice of the lower police
issues a warrant against me on the charge of conspiracy, while the
same charge of conspiracy brought against me by the hirelings of the
same police people was, after a long and painfully sifting enquiry
(including house searches and all the sort of thing) dismissed as
frivolous and baseless by the local Magistrate who had a much better
opportunity of ascertaining my life and character than the Government
of Madras.
I wish I had sufficient power of language to depict the whole
absurdity and injustice of the thing. I have heard and read about many
countries and I may record my sincere conviction that nowhere in the
world is the sacredness of the individual liberty more cynically
ignored than in Madras and certain other Provinces of India. I hope
and guess that Lord Pentland sincerely desires to remove this blot
from the administration of the Presidency entrusted to his charge. At
any rate, his written assurances to me that the matter would be
e3nquired into by the Judicial Department make me believe that he is
not totally callous to the infliction of private wrong in the name of
public policy.
But I am beginning to fear that His Excellency’s hands are stayed in
this matter by the reactionary elements in his new environment.
And I make this appeal to you, Sir, who as chief of the Labour Party
and as a very sober and thoughtful statesman wield a considerable
influence for good on English public opinion, to do all that you can
in the way of strengthening Lord Pentland’s hands in rendering me
justice, and in withdrawing the measures adopted against me on the
strength of incredible, absurd and unscrupulous reports.
Pondicherry C. Subramania Bharati
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